Tag: drug policy

  • Joe Biden: '80s Anti-Drug Bills Were "Big Mistake"

    Joe Biden: '80s Anti-Drug Bills Were "Big Mistake"

    “The big mistake was us buying into the idea that crack cocaine was different from the powder cocaine, and having penalties… it should be eliminated,” said Biden.

    Former Vice President Joe Biden again voiced regret for his support of a 1980s-era anti-drug bill that imposed tougher penalties and prison sentences for drug offenses that, in turn, bolstered disproportionate rates of incarceration in black and Latino communities.

    Speaking at a panel on opioid addiction at the University of Pennsylvania on April 11, Biden said that it was a “big mistake” to support the Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1988 which levied more severe sentencing for possession of crack cocaine, a substance more predominantly found in communities of color, than for possession of powder cocaine

    But Biden, who is weighing his options in regard to a 2020 presidential bid, also noted that the crime bills added drug courts, which he viewed as a positive alternative to incarceration.

    Biden, who serves as Presidential Professor of Practice at UPenn, was joined on the panel by former Florida Governor Jeb Bush and Philadelphia Mayor Jim Kenney. The panel addressed the national opioid epidemic and efforts to address legal and cultural issues regarding addiction and drug use.

    Biden weighed in on several topics in the discussion, including the overwhelming amount of advertising dollars spent by pharmaceutical companies to promote opioid medications, which he described as “criminal.”

    Biden also said that closer negotiations with countries like China and Mexico, which are regarded as major sources of illicit narcotics, and increases in port security and technology to aid in detection—which he acknowledged was a missed opportunity by the Obama administration—would both help curb the flow of drugs into the United States. Biden specifically targeted President Donald Trump’s efforts to build a security barrier between the U.S. and Mexico while discussing this topic.

    “Instead of building more barriers, we could take one-tenth the amount of money talked about building the wall and significantly increase the technological capacity at ports of entry,” he noted.

    And in regard to the aforementioned crime bills, which Biden sponsored—and in the case of the 1986 bill, co-authored—he reiterated statements made at other public events in which he admitted that there had been missteps in his efforts towards criminal sentencing.

    “The big mistake was us buying into the idea that crack cocaine was different from the powder cocaine, and having penalties… it should be eliminated,” said Biden.

    And while acknowledging that he “[gets] beat up on the crime bill,” Biden also said that in his mind, there was also a positive outcome to his efforts.

    “The crime bill put in drug courts,” he said. “I think we have to do a whole lot more of that diversion to have an impact.”

    View the original article at thefix.com

  • Everything you think you know about addiction is wrong | Johann Hari

    Everything you think you know about addiction is wrong | Johann Hari

    What really causes addiction — to everything from cocaine to smart-phones? And how can we overcome it? Johann Hari has seen our current methods fail firsthand, as he has watched loved ones struggle to manage their addictions. He started to wonder why we treat addicts the way we do — and if there might be a better way. As he shares in this deeply personal talk, his questions took him around the world, and unearthed some surprising and hopeful ways of thinking about an age-old problem.

    TEDTalks is a daily video podcast of the best talks and performances from the TED Conference, where the world’s leading thinkers and doers give the talk of their lives in 18 minutes (or less). Look for talks on Technology, Entertainment and Design — plus science, business, global issues, the arts and much more.

    View the original article at ted.com

  • Sweden Rethinks Zero Tolerance Drug Policy as Cocaine Use Rises

    Sweden Rethinks Zero Tolerance Drug Policy as Cocaine Use Rises

    Swedish authorities are trying to learn what factors are contributing to the rising rates of use (and overdose), including the way they police.

    Officials in Sweden are rethinking their policies as cocaine use, and overdoses, continue to rise despite their hard-line stance on drugs.

    According to SVT, Sweden’s national public news broadcasting service, the drug has only grown stronger, more common, and cheaper in the last few years.

    Police and customs have seized 300% more cocaine since 2012. Swedish customs reports seizing as much as 485 kg of the stuff. Cocaine was also found to be the cause of death in 20 cases last year, a massive increase from a few years ago with just one reported case.

    While such numbers may seem small in relation to other countries, such a significant spike has caused concern in Sweden and a scramble to find out why.

    “Cocaine has increased at least four-fold. This indicates that usage has increased,” said Robert Kronstrand, of the Swedish National Board of Forensic Medicine. “Blood samples have improved, which may explain more positive tests, but that’s not the reason for the sharp increase.”

    Even the police agree that better testing doesn’t account for the sharp rise in cocaine cases. They’ve seen a significant shift in who is dying, and where: past cocaine deaths were associated with social gatherings, but almost all 2018 deaths were at home.

    Sweden’s drug policy is being called into question as it is among one of the most hard-line policies in Europe. Police have the authority to urine test anyone they suspect of using drugs, and pretty much no distinction is made between hard and soft drugs. The policy’s aim was to squash all use of drugs.

    “Prohibiting both personal use and the possession and sale of drugs in Sweden makes it harder for ‘open drug scenes’ to arise, i.e. places where drugs are used and sold more or less openly. This is an important element in systematically reducing access to drugs and preventing people from using drugs,” the policy reads.

    In a grim sense, the policy succeeded, leading people to use and die in their own homes. It’s a policy that has come under criticism by the United Nations.

    Sweden’s laws stand in stark contrast to its neighbor Norway, which is moving towards the decriminalization of all drugs. The intention is to “stop punishing people who struggle, but instead give them help and treatment,” said Nicolas Wilkinson of Norway’s Socialist Labour Party. The end goal is to divert the handling of drug cases away from the justice system to the health care system.

    In Sweden, multiple parties in parliament have banded together to take on the problem. This isn’t the first time Sweden has swiftly responded to substance abuse issues, having restricted the sale of hand sanitizer in 2016 after a rash of teenagers showed up in emergency rooms from drinking the alcogels.

    View the original article at thefix.com

  • Are Law Enforcement Efforts Making Cocaine Trafficking Worse?

    Are Law Enforcement Efforts Making Cocaine Trafficking Worse?

    Researchers examined the effects of law enforcement’s counter-drug strategies on drug trafficking. 

    New research led by the University of Alabama is showing that cocaine traffickers through Central America are continuously adapting to law enforcement efforts in ways that may be making the problem worse rather than better.

    Dr. Nicholas Magliocca, lead author of the paper showing these findings, developed a model of the “cat-and-mouse game” of cocaine smuggling vs. government efforts to seize and prevent the movement of the drug.

    “This work demonstrates that supply-side counterdrug strategies alone are, at best, ineffective and, at worst, intensifying the trafficking problem,” said Magliocca according to PHYS.org. “These networks have demonstrated their ability to adapt to interdiction efforts, identifying and exploiting new trafficking routes in response.”

    The findings, published Monday in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, show that drug traffickers routinely find ways around routes and means of transportation that are blocked by law enforcement efforts and as a result have expanded their area of use.

    In 1996, cocaine trafficking networks spread across 2 million square miles of land. By 2017, that had expanded to 7 million square miles.

    The results may suggest that new methods are needed to effectively counter drug trafficking. In 2014, the Global Commission on Drug Policy recommended decriminalizing all drugs and diverting resources from punitive measures into harm reduction strategies.

    “Policy shifts towards harm reduction, ending criminalization of people who use drugs, proportionality of sentences and alternatives to incarceration have been successfully defended over the past decades by a growing number of countries on the basis of the legal latitude allowed under the U.N. treaties,” wrote former President of Brazil and Global Commission on Drug Policy chairman Fernando Henrique Cardoso. “Further exploration of flexible interpretations of the drug treaties is an important objective, but ultimately the global drug control regime must be reformed to permit responsible legal regulation.”

    Dr. Magliocca and team’s model used the admittedly limited information on drug trafficking routes, volume, and timing to simulate and predict the decision-making process of cocaine smugglers and how their networks adapt to government anti-drug strategies. The results show that current strategies are only causing these networks to spread out, making the same law enforcement efforts more difficult and costly over time.

    “The adaptive responses of narco-traffickers within the transit zone, particularly spatial adjustments, must be understood if we are to move beyond reactive counterdrug interdiction strategies,” Magliocca concluded. His team and others will now be able to move on to exploring alternative methods to counter this growing problem.

     

    View the original article at thefix.com

  • Pregnant and Scared to Get Treatment: When Conception Meets Addiction

    Pregnant and Scared to Get Treatment: When Conception Meets Addiction

    If one needs proof that addiction is a disease and not a moral failing, look into the eyes of a woman who knows her behavior is harming her baby but still can’t stop.

    With one in three individuals with opioid use disorder passing through the criminal justice system annually, court dockets across the country are overflowing with cases of illegal behavior fueled by addiction. Though such cases wrangle with the complexities of punishing individuals afflicted with what is increasingly seen as a disease that erodes free will, they are the bread and butter of the legal system. However, the recent Pennsylvania Supreme Court case known as In the Interest of L.J.B. adds another level of intricacy to the court’s decision-making process. The question asked in the case—Does drug use during pregnancy constitute child abuse? —is unpleasant to contemplate, but it is one of absolute importance.

    The defendant in the case, a woman referred to as A.A.R., tested positive for illicit opioids, benzodiazepines, and marijuana when she gave birth to her infant, L.J.B., in January 2017. L.J.B. then required 19 days of inpatient treatment for drug withdrawal and was placed in the custody of Children and Youth Services, which alleged that her mother’s drug use during pregnancy was child abuse. On December 28, in a 5-2 decision, Pennsylvania’s Supreme Court ruled in favor of L.J.B.’s mother, stating that Pennsylvania’s child abuse law clearly excludes fetuses in its definition of a child. While the issue may be settled in Pennsylvania, there is little doubt that similar cases will be heard across the country amidst the opioid epidemic.

    Pregnant Women with Opioid Addiction — Overlooked and Undertreated

    The case of L.J.B. and her mother has drawn national attention to women who simultaneously carry a child and the burden of an addiction—a group that has often been overlooked or ignored in the national discussions about the opioid epidemic. Few individuals in our society bear such a stigma as these women. As an addiction psychiatrist, I’ve heard harsher judgment passed on these patients—even from fellow healthcare workers—than on any others. This stigma permeates our medical and legal systems, creating dire consequences not only for these women, but also for their unborn children.

    Pregnancy is unparalleled in its ability to motivate women towards healthier behavior, but approximately four percent of pregnant women still use addictive drugs. When I’m asked to evaluate a woman who is pregnant, I know her disease is severe before I’ve even laid eyes on her. If one needs proof that addiction is a disease and not a moral failing, look into the eyes of a woman who knows her behavior is harming her baby but still can’t stop. There is no better example of the ability of a chemical to overpower the deepest-rooted human instincts.

    A recent report released by the CDC revealed that opioid addiction among women in labor quadrupled from 1999 to 2014, signifying the need for immediate action. Opioid addiction during pregnancy can create many problems for mother and child, including preterm labor, neonatal abstinence syndrome, and even fetal death. Tragically, pregnant women with addictions are less likely to receive prenatal care. Aware of society’s disdain, many don’t want to be stigmatized at the doctor’s office. Some mothers-to-be can’t even find a physician willing to treat them, and others are afraid of being reported to authorities due to laws that have arisen out of prejudice and misinformation.

    Harsh Laws Harm Mother and Child

    Twenty-three states already consider drug use during pregnancy child abuse. In three states, it’s grounds for involuntary civil commitment. Though some people think such laws deter women from using drugs during pregnancy, they don’t. If a woman’s addiction is so severe that it is active during pregnancy, laws that threaten arrest or loss of custody will not bring about remission. They also rarely bring about legal punishment, since the charges are dismissed or the convictions are overturned 85 percent of the time.

    All that these laws do is cause pregnant women with addictions to avoid prenatal care visits or forego them all together. Tennessee discovered this the hard way, when it passed a law in 2014 making drug use during pregnancy punishable by up to a year in prison. The number of pregnant women seeking treatment for addictions fell drastically because they were too afraid of the legal ramifications. Thankfully, the law expired in 2016, but Tennessee’s legislature is now considering passage of a similar bill.

    How to Help Pregnant Women with Addictions and Their Children

    If our actual desire is to help pregnant women with addictions and their children, there are effective actions we can take. We can start with repealing counterproductive laws, and, as funding is being allocated to counter the opioid epidemic, we can earmark portions of it for these patients and create more treatment options for them. Only 19 states have programs specifically targeting the unique needs of pregnant women, and only 17 provide them with priority access to state-funded addiction treatment programs.

    Healthcare providers can help by addressing their own stigma and stepping up to provide treatment to this vulnerable group. These women already face significant barriers to care, so finding a willing and caring healthcare provider shouldn’t be another challenge to overcome. There are also ways to avoid tragic situations like this in the first place. Out of all pregnancies in women with opioid addictions, eighty-six percent are unintended, so ensuring access to affordable and effective family planning services is essential.

    For addicted women with unborn children, an invitation into care is far more effective than any legal threat we can muster. Let’s dispense with negative attitudes and legal barriers that keep these patients from seeking treatment. Ensuring that help is available when needed is the way forward, because the only way to aid an unborn child is to help its mother, regardless of how her actions might make us feel. 

    View the original article at thefix.com

  • How Fentanyl Hysteria Leads to Harmful and Ineffective Drug Laws

    How Fentanyl Hysteria Leads to Harmful and Ineffective Drug Laws

    We might as well accept reality and direct our efforts towards making drugs less deadly, in the same way that we accept the risks of driving a car, but also try to prevent accidents.

    My only experience with fentanyl was when I was pregnant. I was on a hospital bed writhing in agony when a nurse injected me with the synthetic opioid commonly used for pain management in laboring women. The drug calmed me and I soon gave birth to a healthy baby girl.

    That was before fentanyl moved from the hospitals to the streets, tainting the illicit drug supply and ratcheting up an already alarming death toll from overdose.

    Since then, deaths from synthetic opioids (mostly fentanyl) have begun a steep climb, jumping 540% in the past three years alone. More than half of the opioids in the U.S. are now laced with fentanyl and the fear surrounding the drug is palpable. Some people claim you can overdose on the drug just from touching it. As a result of this hysteria, many first responders are afraid to respond to overdoses for fear of coming into contact with fentanyl. Meanwhile, states are scrambling to pass laws responding to the ever-changing landscape of fentanyl and its many derivatives.

    Alice Bell, who works to reduce overdose deaths through Prevention Point Pittsburgh, a syringe exchange program, says that there are reasons to be concerned about fentanyl. In Allegheny County, Pennsylvania, where her program operates, the opioid was involved in 20% of deaths in 2014. In 2016 the number tripled to 63% and today fentanyl is present in 74% of drug-related overdose deaths.

    “Fentanyl is much stronger than heroin and other opiates,” Bell explains. “It is easy to get a high dose without realizing it… Because it is fast acting there is a smaller window before people [overdose].”

    What Is Fentanyl and How Is It Dangerous?

    Fentanyl, a synthetic opioid created to mimic the effects of natural opioids (which are derived from opium poppy plants), was first introduced in 1959 as an anesthetic and pain reliever for surgery and cancer patients. It wasn’t until 2014 that unregulated forms of fentanyl began arriving in the U.S. from China. Because these analogues are cheap to buy and highly potent, they’re often mixed into supplies of other illicit drugs, such as heroin, cocaine, or pills. People buying or selling drugs on the streets may have no idea whether the product contains fentanyl, or how strong it is. This lack of knowledge has contributed to skyrocketing rates of overdose deaths across the country.

    As Bell explains, because illicit fentanyl is mixed into other drugs in unregulated environments, it is hard to mix it uniformly. Thus, one person might get a very strong dose while another might get a weaker dose, even though both samples came from the same supply. Bell likens it to “mixing pancake batter and getting chunks.”

    But although Bell acknowledges the dangers of a fentanyl-laced drug supply, she also emphasizes that much of the panic surrounding fentanyl and its effects is misleading—including false rumors about Narcan-resistant fentanyl or people overdosing just from touching the substance.

    Dan Ciccarone, a professor at the University of California, San Francisco who has spent the last four years studying fentanyl, agrees that while there are reasons to be concerned, responding to the challenge with policies rooted in fear and misinformation only makes matters worse. He points out that the problem is not so much fentanyl itself, but the fact that it’s being added to other drugs in unknown amounts.

    “We have to take some of the hysteria and the irrationally out of it,” he says. “If we say the problem is heroin and heroin contaminants, [we] treat the problem differently than if [we] say it’s a new drug and it’s killing our teenagers.”

    How to address the fentanyl-related overdoses is a question vexing many policymakers. In the past few years, state legislatures have spun off in wildly different directions. Some have attempted to curb overdoses through the introduction of 911 Good Samaritan laws and expanding availability of naloxone, syringe exchange programs, and treatment options for people who use drugs problematically. Some have implemented diversion programs and sentencing reforms designed to keep people who struggle with addiction out of jail and to connect them to programs that address the root cause of addiction. Others are enacting ever-harsher penalties for crimes involving fentanyl. In fact, many states are doing all of these things at once, oblivious, it seems, to the fact that some of these new policies contradict or even cancel each other out.

    Opioid Confusion and Contradictory Drug Policies

    In 2017, Louisiana passed a bill that reduced prison sentences for drug possession convictions. But the same law created a new mandatory minimum sentence for illegally possessing opioid painkillers (such as fentanyl). Maryland likewise enacted legislation in 2016 to reduce penalties for drug users and sellers, but the very next year created a new penalty for drugs containing fentanyl that extends prison sentences up to 10 years. In 2017, North Carolina cracked down on synthetic fentanyl and created a task force to reform opioid sentencing laws in literally the same bill. On the federal level, the passage of The First Step Act, which reduces mandatory minimum and three-strike laws, came on the heels of the former Attorney General’s declaration to relentlessly prosecute every case involving any amount of fentanyl.

    In essence, many governments are passing laws that lessen penalties for opioid-related crimes, while simultaneously enacting laws that further criminalize fentanyl (an opioid).

    For Michael Collins, Director of the Office of National Affairs at the Drug Policy Alliance, the confusion stems from a desire to respond and a lack of knowledge about the most effective way to do so.

    “Policymakers feel pressure to do something,” he explains. “In the absence of public health measures that they are familiar with, legislators will dust off their Drug War playbook and go towards punitive measures…certainly there is no evidence that those penalties will decrease overdose deaths.”

    Collins’ explanation echoes my own experience as a lobbyist advocating against drug-induced homicide laws in North Carolina. Like many states, North Carolina is responding to increases in fentanyl-related deaths by introducing legislation that would allow prosecutors to charge people with murder if they distribute a drug that leads to an overdose. It’s a typical punish-first response that not only is proven ineffective at reducing overdose deaths, but could potentially increase overdose deaths by negating the state’s 911 Good Samaritan law, which was enacted in 2013 to encourage people to call 911 to report an overdose. If lawmakers agree that fear of being charged with possession of drugs is enough to deter someone from calling 911, surely they see that fear of being charged with murder would even further discourage life-saving medical calls.

    But, as I discovered, it is hard to reason with a politician, a prosecutor, or a law enforcement official who is under intense pressure from their community to “do something.” Of course to address the problem of people selling drugs that lead to overdose, we need to tackle the underlying factors that lead people to sell drugs in the first place, such as the need to support a personal drug habit or lack of economic alternatives. But proposing solutions such as more drug treatment centers, jobs programs for low-income neighborhoods, greater investment in vocational education…all these are high-cost, long-term solutions. And officials are being pressured to find answers now.

    Increasing penalties against drug dealers is quick, relatively simple, and the cost is picked up by local court systems, not by the politicians who passed the law. Better yet, harsher penalties sound like a solution that satisfies the public’s need for accountability.

    Incarceration and Stricter Laws Cause More Crime and Deaths

    The problem with using the criminal justice system to address complex issues like drug use is that we imagine the system to be far more effective than it actually is. We probably wouldn’t celebrate laws that incarcerate more people if we realized that locking up one drug dealer merely causes another to take his place. We probably wouldn’t be so anxious to pour billions of dollars into law enforcement efforts to disrupt drug supplies if we realized that U.S. illicit drug market is estimated at $100 billion annually, while law enforcement only seize between $440 and $770 million in drug money per year—around 0.5% of the total value. We might not swallow the $1 trillion price tag of the War on Drugs if we realized that after all this money spent and all the families disrupted from incarceration due to nonviolent crimes, drugs are now cheaper, more plentiful, and more deadly than ever before.

    To effectively lower the demand for drugs or decrease overdose deaths, we need to think outside the box.

    Alice Bell explains, “If you want to encourage people to avoid more dangerous drugs, you have to allow people access to less dangerous drugs.”

    That is certainly not a solution that politicians want to hear. It doesn’t “sound good.” But it would do far more to reduce overdose deaths than all our efforts to slap people with longer prison sentences. We need to help politicians confront their fear of drugs and to understand that drugs always have been and always will be a part of our communities. We might as well accept reality and direct our efforts towards making drugs less deadly, in the same way that we accept the risks of driving a car, but also try to prevent accidents. Most people age out of addiction—if they live long enough to do so. There is no reason that taking a hit of a mood-altering substance should be akin to Russian Roulette.

    Conservative economist Milton Friedman once said, “Only a crisis—actual or perceived—produces real change. When that crisis occurs, the actions that are taken depend on the ideas that are lying around. That, I believe, is our basic function: to develop alternatives to existing policies, to keep them alive and available until the politically impossible becomes the politically inevitable.”

    Fentanyl may be that catalytic crisis needed to produce change. In that case, we should work to turn tragedy into opportunity.

    View the original article at thefix.com

  • Trump Administration Finally Adds Drug Czar – But Will He Be Able to Do His Job?

    Trump Administration Finally Adds Drug Czar – But Will He Be Able to Do His Job?

    Jim Carroll will serve as Trump’s “drug czar,” taking over responsibilities largely led by Trump advisors Kellyanne Conway and Katy Talento.

    One of the hundreds of key jobs with agencies in Donald Trump’s White House that have gone unfilled since his inauguration now has an occupant. STAT has reported that Jim Carroll will serve as Trump’s “drug czar” at the Office of National Drug Control Policy (ONDCP), a role he has maintained as acting director since April 2018.

    But as both Politico and STAT noted, Carroll may have the title but not necessarily the reins of ONDCP policy, as decision-making on the national opioid crisis has been largely led by Trump advisors Kellyanne Conway and Katy Talento. The White House’s Office of Science and Technology Policy has also gained a director in former University of Oklahoma professor Kelvin Droegemeier, who filled a seat left empty since January 2017.

    Their appointments by a lame-duck Congress on January 2 coincide with a tumultuous period for the administration, which is in the midst of a partial government shutdown and a House under Democratic control. Putting Carroll in charge of the ONDCP may end a glaring absence in the direction of opioid policy while, as STAT noted, 70,000 Americans die each year from overdose-related deaths.

    But as STAT also noted, Carroll is a former commonwealth attorney for Fairfax Virginia who has held several positions within the Trump administration, including stints with the Justice and Treasury Departments, and has also worked for the Ford Motor Company.

    He lacks any public health experience beyond his appointment as acting director, though the White House stated that the majority of Carroll’s cases in Virginia were drug-related, and he worked with attorneys dealing with substance abuse issues at the Virginia State Bar.

    Carroll is also taking the helm of an office that has been marked by a general lack of cohesiveness since Trump took office. The loss of several key personnel, including a press secretary and communications director, who were replaced by inexperienced staffers – including 24-year-old Taylor Weyeneth, a former campaign worker who served as deputy chief of staff – and controversy over the nomination of Rep. Tom Marino, who reportedly pushed a bill that would weaken the Drug Enforcement Administration’s ability to regulate opioid distributors suspected of misconduct – has left employees at the DEA feeling rudderless, according to officials cited by STAT.

    Policy direction has been largely left to Conway, who has drawn fire for statements about drug dependency that have been perceived as ill-informed or insensitive. She told ABC’s This Week in 2017 that “will” is a key component to battling the opioid epidemic and informed Fox News that same year that “the best way to stop people from dying from overdoses . . . is by not starting in the first place.” Conway was later excoriated on social media for advising young people to choose ice cream and French fries over fentanyl.

    The other administration appointment, Kelvin Droegemeier, faces a similar uphill battle at the Office of Science and Technology Policy. The agency has also lost a significant number of staffers, and the Trump administration has maintained a skeptical stance on issues of climate change. The appointment of Droegemeier, a former meteorologist, has been praised by science advocates, but as with Carroll, it remains unclear as to how much he’ll be able to accomplish in his new position.

    View the original article at thefix.com

  • How Cannabis Sales Are Affecting Canada’s Employment Rate

    How Cannabis Sales Are Affecting Canada’s Employment Rate

    A new report suggests that the recent legalization of cannabis in Canada has made a positive impact on unemployment rates. 

    Canada’s unemployment rate is the lowest since 1976 – and the country may have the legalization of cannabis to thank.

    According to new data from Statistics Canada, the legalization and growth of the cannabis industry have played a role in the drop in unemployment.

    High Times pointed out that the unemployment rate decreased by 0.2% in November, bringing the rate to 5.6%. In six different Canadian provinces, the rates increased, and the report stated that “private sector jobs” grew the most while public sector jobs and self-employment remained fairly unchanged. Cannabis was legalized in Canada in October. 

    Part of the report focused specifically on the cannabis industry and stated that in November, the month following legalization, there were 10,400 jobs related to the industry. In comparison, last November there were 7,500 fewer jobs in the industry, meaning that in one year, the jobs more than doubled. 

    More specifically, 58% of those jobs were in agriculture, while the other 42% ranged from educational services to health care to retail. Those working in the industry were also making more wage-wise than average, at about $29.58 per hour in comparison to the average of $27.03.

    The report also states that men were more likely to work in the industry than women, as men made up about 79% of jobs in the cannabis industry. 

    Alison McMahon, founder and CEO of Cannabis at Work, tells The Growth Op that the biggest demand for jobs is coming from licensed producers needing assistance with growing, cultivation, quality checks, post-production and order fulfillment. And the market will likely keep growing, as McMahon adds that “we expect to see a lot of jobs emerge around extraction, formulation and product R&D (research and development).” 

    In fact, there is even a new job engine dedicated solely to cannabis-related jobs. Brian Sekandi, the co-founder of Careers Cannabis, agrees that more and more research related jobs will be emerging over time. He also tells The Growth Op that he thinks jobs will be opening in the marketing of cannabis as more products hit the market.

    “With the massive restrictions on brand marketing and advertising the cannabis industry is faced with now, the big challenge is on how to educate consumers – particularly those who may be new cannabis users – about the different types of cannabis that are available to them and what the effects are of using cannabis,” Sekandi said. 

    Sekandi added that as of now, those working in the industry in Canada are ahead of much of the world.

    “Things are only going to go up from here for people gaining skills and experience in the Canadian cannabis industry,” he said. “The trend is definitely toward more liberalized cannabis laws being introduced around the world, so anybody who starts working in the industry in Canada today has a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to be at the ground floor of a global industry and to help shape it for years to come.”

    View the original article at thefix.com

  • Thailand To Review Medical Marijuana, Kratom Legalization Proposal

    Thailand To Review Medical Marijuana, Kratom Legalization Proposal

    The kratom/marijuana legalization bill has received substantial support from the National Legislative Assembly and the Thai public. 

    Lawmakers in Thailand have unanimously accepted an initiative to review a bill that would legalize the production, import and export of marijuana and the herbal supplement kratom for medical use.

    The amendment, proposed by members of the National Legislative Assembly (NLA), would revise the country’s Narcotics Act and allow patients to access medical marijuana and kratom for therapy and grant access to the Red Cross and medical professionals. The initiative must go before another panel of lawmakers for review, but support for legalization has already netted widespread approval among the Thai population, according to the NLA’s digital forum.

    The amendment bill, proposed by 44 members of the NLA, provides guidelines for medical use of marijuana and kratom, which under the current Narcotics Acts are listed as Category V drugs and illegal to consume, possess, produce, distribute, import and export, with imprisonment and/or substantial financial penalties levied against those convicted of such charges.

    As High Times noted, marijuana and kratom would be made available to approved patients as treatment and could be obtained from the Government Pharmaceutical Organization, the Red Cross, local administrative agencies, and medical professionals and ministries. Individuals who have a record of previous narcotics-related charges may not partake in the program, according to the Bangkok Post. Production sites and grow programs would be overseen by Thailand’s public health minister and the Office of the Narcotics Board.

    The amendment bill has to date received substantial support from the NLA and the Thai public. An initial read received 145 votes of support from NLA members while a public hearing on the NLA’s digital platform saw 99.03% of participants approve the bill’s provisions. Health care professionals and legal academics have also lobbied in support of revising the Narcotics Act in favor of providing Thai citizens with the alleged medical benefits of both substances.

    “The Narcotics Act was drafted and first enforced in 1985, so we can see it’s not only out of date, but also restricts people’s rights too much, especially considering the enormous benefits in healthcare that could come from medical cannabis and kratom,” said Paisal Limstit of Thammasat University’s Faculty of Law.  

    The NLA must now establish a 29-member panel to review the bill; the process, according to the Bangkok Post, takes approximately 60 days.

    Should the bill pass into law, the Thai government will face an uphill battle with the marijuana that is currently available in the country. Laboratory tests on marijuana seized by police revealed the presence of pesticides and heavy metals, which the Department of Medical Sciences determined was not suitable for consumption, medical or otherwise.

    View the original article at thefix.com

  • Senator Cotton Pushes Back On Sentencing Reform Bill With Fake News

    Senator Cotton Pushes Back On Sentencing Reform Bill With Fake News

    The sentencing reform bill (FIRST STEP Act) would lower mandatory minimums for certain drug crimes and eliminate the crack/cocaine sentencing disparity retroactively.

    Despite broad bipartisan support for what could be a landmark shift in federal drug laws, the FIRST STEP Act still has one very predictable, very vocal detractor: long-time drug warrior Sen. Tom Cotton. 

    Even as Democrats, Republicans, the president and the American Civil Liberties Union all come together behind the 103-page bill, the Arkansas Republican has been penning op-eds and tweeting hot takes. 

    “If the bill is passed, thousands of federal offenders, including violent felons and sex offenders, will be released earlier than they would be under current law,” he wrote in the National Review. That’s not entirely true. 

    In fact, the bill would lower mandatory minimums for certain drug crimes, eliminate the crack/cocaine sentencing disparity retroactively, increase reentry funding, require that federal prisons hold inmates closer to home, and mandate the provision of free tampons and sanitary napkins for female prisoners. It would also ban the shackling of pregnant inmates and eliminate the use of solitary confinement for juveniles.

    Some progressives think the measure doesn’t go far enough and, as the Marshall Project noted, some of the provisions include things the federal prison system is already supposed to be doing.

    But when it comes to early release – despite Cotton’s implications – the bill doesn’t include a few dozen serious crimes, such as terrorism and violent gun offenses. It also excludes “those that are organizers, leaders, managers, supervisors in the fentanyl and heroin drug trade,” according to the Washington Post.

    Also, even for those who are able to earn time credit, the chance to get out sooner still lies in the hands of the Bureau of Prisons and its risk-assessment tools.  

    “At all times the Bureau of Prisons retains all authority over who does and does not qualify for early release,” tweeted Republican Sen. Mike Lee, one of the bill’s co-sponsors. “Nothing in the First Step Act gives inmates early release.” 

    The Utah senator laid into his Arkansas colleague, calling Cotton’s tweets on the subject “100% Fake News.”

    The Washington Post apparently concurred, offering a detailed look at the senator’s claims regarding the proposed legislation – and ultimately giving him a two-Pinocchio lie rating

    View the original article at thefix.com