Tag: war on drugs

  • Overdose Deaths: Not an Epidemic or a Crisis, and Not by Accident

    Overdose Deaths: Not an Epidemic or a Crisis, and Not by Accident

    Overdoses are not mysterious, they result from predictable causes like criminalizing drug use, ineffective policies, poverty, lack of stable housing, and persistent racism.

    Opioid-related overdoses are not a crisis or an epidemic, and should not be described as either. Both words stigmatize the victims of a phenomenon that is not happening by accident. Such overdoses have been steadily increasing throughout the United States and are especially high in Appalachia (where we both work). Yet overdoses are not a natural or mysterious phenomenon. They result primarily not from individual, but from larger structural factors — criminalization of drug use, ineffective social policies, poverty, lack of stable housing, historical and persistent racism, and other forms of systemic oppression — which are all the result of deliberate policy decisions.

    We are told by the media, CDC, and state governments that the region where we live and work is ground zero for a drug “crisis.” Yet those same entities contribute to the problem through policies, funding allocations, and covering-up of underlying systemic causes. We must shift our language to reflect this. Substance use and overdose happen in predictable contexts and disproportionately affect marginalized communities.

    Terms Like “Epidemic” and “Crisis” Cause Alarm and Hysteria, Stigmatizing People Who Deserve Compassion

    More than 67,000 people in the United States died from opioid-related overdose in 2018. Alarmist headlines, even well-intended reports, do not justify an inaccurate framing. We advocate instead for the use of the term impact, or other language that indicates the underlying roots of suffering, instead of epidemic or crisis.

    Epidemic is most accurately used to describe infectious or viral spread of a disease within a population over a short period of time. Substance use, even for the relatively low 18% of people who use “chaotically,” does not meet this criteria. People who overdose or suffer negative consequences of substance use may be more socially or genetically vulnerable to a substance use disorder but in basic epidemiological principles, that does not an epidemic make. Calling structural violence that leads to specific overdose patterns an epidemic or a crisis feeds into a hysteria that marginalizes drug users and their loved ones. Both words take the focus away from the underlying causes of suffering; naturalizing it and leaving the conversation at a surface level without motivating real change. 

    We both work in and study harm reduction and overdose prevention in North Carolina: a microcosm of opioid-related deaths and specific patterns of suffering repeated elsewhere in Appalachia and throughout the country. Daily, we observe the dynamics of economic policies, limited healthcare access, and stigmatization that impact people already at greater risk for substance use and overdose. Later in this essay we discuss how it plays out in North Carolinians’ overdose risks — making it more likely they and their loved ones will be blamed if they do.

    How Misguided Drug Policies Blame the Victims While Ignoring the Causes

    Like the thousands of lives lost to fentanyl poisoning in the context of increased drug use criminalization today, there was nothing natural about the thousands of lives lost to alcohol poisoning during prohibition a century ago; or the increase in deaths and drug-related arrests that ravaged inner-cities during the government-manufactured “crack era” of the 80s and 90s. Consequences of drug use, like mass incarceration, have never been a natural disaster. Instead, policy responses to drug use tend to create systemic storms that rage in vulnerable communities. This is a classic example of blaming the victims of problems while ignoring the causes.

    If a “crisis” is happening to those around you, you may feel bad for them, you may vote for a politician who promises to address it — but you probably won’t ask how the same politicians or political system contributed to creating it, or how arresting and jailing poor and Black and Brown people will fail to fix it. Overdose deaths in the U.S. have always been both a symptom and outcome of discriminatory policies

    Suffering is further exacerbated by punitive policies such as drug-induced homicide laws that increase overdose deaths, weaken Good Samaritan legislation intended to reduce overdose, and criminalize drug users and their loved ones. For example, opioid de-prescribing mandates in 19 states appear to result in an increase in heroin overdose deaths. And, healthcare policy is an oft-overlooked aspect of overdose prevention — states that did not expand Medicaid (which increases coverage of treatment) are disproportionately states with higher overdose and substance use.

    Mainstream media portrays sympathetic stories of the middle-class sons and daughters of urban politicians dying of overdose, while the stigmatized partners and friends of poor Appalachians who disproportionately die of overdose from drugs often laced with fentanyl fear being arrested under ‘drug-induced homicide’ and ‘death by distribution’ laws if they call 911. The ways that drug users are talked about serve political agendas that further contribute to patterns of suffering.*

    We must acknowledge and address what is missing, obscured, and ignored when we promote an inaccurate framing of drug use as a “crisis” or “epidemic,” rather than something caused by policy decisions. Who is disproportionately blamed? Who is left out of the conversation? 

    When we fail to address how a combination of economic, political, biological, behavioral, genetic, and social factors intersect within the lives of drug users and their wider communities, we legitimize the use of simplistic and punitive approaches to complex issues. Where we live and work, North Carolina policy makers used the 2016-2017 increase in drug overdose deaths to justify an argument for harsher punishments despite a wealth of research that shows that such approaches increase the very health consequences they claim to reduce. Further, these approaches do nothing to address economic disparities in North Carolina where 13 of 100 counties have experienced rates of poverty at 20% or higher for the last three decades. They do nothing to address the lack of Medicaid expansion or limited employment and economic growth — all upstream drivers of overdose and suffering.

    Simply put, an increase in overdose deaths is not the result of society’s inability to get tough on crime, or even the need for more biomedical treatment. Rather, overdose deaths persist due to an unwillingness to acknowledge that treatment expansion and more or harsher punishment fail to address gaping social wounds

    Communication: Start Using Language That Reveals the Roots of Unequal Suffering

    As long as policymakers, politicians, and journalists continue to use inaccurate terms like “opioid crisis/epidemic,” opportunities are missed to discuss and address the causes and effects of substance use and overdose. We advocate for talking instead about “opioid impact” or “overdose impact.” A more neutral term like impact is less stigmatizing and hyperbolic, and thus less marginalizing for those directly affected. Impact is also more flexible — not all drug use is harmful, nor leads to substance use disorder, illness, or overdose. Impact is a more accurate and flexible term to allow for discussion of people’s lived experiences with substances.

    Even so, it may not go far enough. As a parallel example, public pressure and justice-oriented advocacy shifted public conversation and journalistic style from talking about human beings as “illegal” to “undocumented.” But referring to these same folks as “economic refugees” would be even more accurate and less stigmatizing. Similarly, impact is a more useful term than “crisis” or “epidemic” when referring to patterns of opioid-related overdose and substance use-related illness. And, terminology that clearly unmasks the deeper roots of unequal suffering would be even better.

    A person using drugs is not a disease vector nor the precipitator of a crisis. What we witness in communities like Philadelphia, Austin, and Asheville are not drug-related epidemics or naturally occurring crises. The harms impacting these communities are symptoms of destructive social policies that ensure the most vulnerable populations remain vulnerable, shamed, and disproportionately suffering from the very problems for which they are blamed. 

    So where do we go from here? We can start by answering this with another question: How might our conversations, and thus policy and response efforts change, if we use language that reveals the structural roots of suffering instead of further contributing to stigma and hysteria that shames the people who are most directly affected?

    View the original article at thefix.com

  • State Marijuana Legalization Might Not Include Smoking, New York Governor Hints

    State Marijuana Legalization Might Not Include Smoking, New York Governor Hints

    “There are ways to get THC without smoking marijuana, and we don’t encourage smoking period.”

    Governor Andrew Cuomo of New York may have hinted that the state’s cannabis legalization bill may include a ban on smoking the substance, allowing only other methods of use such as edibles.

    This suggestion was noticed by Marijuana Moment after Cuomo was interviewed on MSNBC Sunday and was asked if the recent cases of lung injury and deaths possibly connected to vaping products had made him reconsider his stance on the issue.

    “No,” said Cuomo. “On marijuana, we’re not in favor of smoking marijuana. There are ways to get THC without smoking marijuana, and we don’t encourage smoking period.”

    Legalizing THC Doesn’t Necessarily Mean Legalizing Weed

    Cuomo may have simply been defending his stance on cannabis legalization by pointing out that people don’t have to smoke it in order to enjoy it as MSNBC anchor Kendis Gibson pushed him on the vaping issue. However, multiple cannabis-focused news outlets have interpreted his answers as possibly suggesting that all or some forms of smoking could be banned in a future legalization bill.

    “You can legalize marijuana and sell THC in compounds that do not require you to smoke the marijuana, and we do not support smoking of marijuana,” Cuomo continued. “There are compounds that have the THC, which is a compound in marijuana, that you don’t smoke.”

    It is possible that a marijuana legalization bill could include an exception for smokables, especially as general bans on vaping products for both tobacco and cannabis have already been proposed.

    The Trump administration is currently finalizing a national ban on flavored e-cigarettes that many experts have pointed to as the reason for the recent spikes in teen vaping rates. 

    Democrats are backing the proposed ban, with many of them saying that the legislation is long overdue. Meanwhile, multiple states, including New York, are drafting their own vaping bans.

    There is also direct precedent for such a ban in New York cannabis law. In 2014, medical marijuana legislation signed into law by Cuomo included a ban on smokable forms of the substance. Cuomo insisted on this provision himself, though his views on cannabis have clearly evolved over the years.

    View the original article at thefix.com

  • Inside Seattle's Progressive Approach To Drug Policy

    Inside Seattle's Progressive Approach To Drug Policy

    Instead of ramping up criminal penalties for non-violent, minor drug offenses, Seattle is providing a chance to get help.

    Seattle is a beacon of progressive drug policy—a model for helping, not criminalizing, drug use.

    According to a New York Times op-ed by columnist Nicholas Kristof, the city has rejected the age-old “war on drugs” and has instead taken a different approach—one that relies “less on the criminal justice toolbox to deal with hard drugs and more on the public health toolbox.”

    Instead of ramping up criminal penalties for non-violent, minor drug offenses, Seattle is providing a chance to get help.

    The Birth Of LEAD 

    In 2011, the Law Enforcement Assisted Diversion (LEAD) program was created in the city.

    Under the program, non-violent people arrested for “law violations driven by unmet behavioral health needs”—e.g. drugs—are diverted to a “trauma-informed intensive case-management program” that may include transitional or permanent housing or treatment, according to the LEAD website. This way, they bypass the criminal justice system, which is often said to only exacerbate their issues.

    “People are hurting inside. That’s why they’re using in the first place,” said Chian Jennings, a 45-year-old woman with a history of drug abuse who was referred to LEAD.

    She told Kristof, “It was probably the best thing that happened to me. It saved my life.”

    Encouraged by its success, 59 municipalities across the U.S. also offer, or will offer, the LEAD program.

    According to a 2017 study, LEAD participants were 58% less likely to be arrested again and 46% more likely to have a job or get job training.

    Drug Prosecutions

    Last September, King County (in which Seattle resides) stopped prosecuting cases involving possession of less than one gram of drugs including heroin and cocaine.

    Dan Satterberg, the prosecuting attorney for King County, shared with Kristof that while some may not be happy with the humane treatment of people who use drugs, it’s better than the alternative: locking up people who are already struggling.

    Satterberg is guilty of perpetuating this drug war strategy himself—but as he told Kristof, he would see firsthand why that strategy was not working.

    His younger sister, Shelley Kay Satterberg, passed away last year of a urinary tract infection. She was 51. Her cause of death was the culmination of years of drug and alcohol abuse, Satterberg said.

    Kristof seems to have a lot of faith in the direction Seattle is going in, in terms of drug policy. “Seattle is undertaking what feels like the beginning of a historic course correction, with other cities discussing how to follow,” Kristof writes.

    He added, “If the experiment in Seattle succeeds, we’ll have a chance to rescue America from our own failed policies.”

    View the original article at thefix.com

  • Cory Booker Criticizes Biden Over Crime Bill That Intensified War On Drugs

    Cory Booker Criticizes Biden Over Crime Bill That Intensified War On Drugs

    Booker wants Biden to take more accountability for his role in passing legislation that exacerbated sentencing disparities in black and brown communities.  

    Presidential candidate Senator Cory Booker brought up Joe Biden’s 1994 crime bill as a key factor in the “War on Drugs” and the increasingly disproportionate incarceration of people of color in an interview on NBC’s Meet the Press

    The Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994, which then-Senator Joe Biden helped to write and pass, increased the number and average length of prison sentences in the U.S. and incentivized local governments to build more prisons and jails. Criminal justice reform advocates have pointed to this bill as the start of an accelerated rate of mass incarceration.

    “These are very typical, painful issues to the point now that, because of a lot of the legislation that Joe Biden endorsed, this war on drugs, which has been a war on people, we now have had a 500% increase in the prison population since 1980, overwhelmingly black and brown,” Booker said. “There’s more African Americans under criminal supervision today than all the slaves in 1850. These are real, painful, hurtful issues.”

    Sentencing Disparities Persist

    Booker also pointed out that other Democrats who were involved in the creation and passage of the 1994 bill have expressed remorse while Joe Biden has continued to defend it.

    “But what we’ve seen, from the vice president, over the last month, is an inability to talk candidly about the mistakes he made, about things he could’ve done better, about how some of the decisions he made at the time, in difficult context, actually have resulted in really bad outcomes,” he said.

    According to The Sentencing Project, there are more people behind bars today for a drug-related offense than the entire prison and jail population for any crime in the year 1980. One in three black men will be behind bars during some period of their lives. That number is one in 17 for white men.

    Incarceration Rates Soar

    Incarceration rates, particularly for low-level drug offenses, have skyrocketed while crime rates have decreased overall across the country since 1980. Violent crime rates in particular have fallen sharply during the past 25 years, according to a report by the Pew Research Center.

    Senator Booker has made criminal justice reform a central issue for his 2020 presidential campaign. In June, he revealed a plan to commute the sentences of 17,000 prisoners convicted of drug-related crimes, followed by a bill to protect immigrants from being deported or denied entry into the country for cannabis possession.

    “For decades, this broken system has hollowed out entire communities, wasted billions of taxpayer dollars, and failed to make us safer,” Booker’s campaign website reads. “As president, Cory will fight to end the War on Drugs, implement bold and comprehensive reforms of our criminal justice system, and pursue restorative justice.”

    View the original article at thefix.com

  • Hawaii Decriminalizes Marijuana

    Hawaii Decriminalizes Marijuana

    The law will take effect on January 11, 2020.

    On Tuesday (July 9) Hawaii decriminalized marijuana possession. 

    The state will no longer give jail time for possession of up to 3 grams of marijuana, but can give a $130 fine. Previously this “offense” was punishable by up to 30 days in jail and a $1000 fine.

    However, 3 grams is a low threshold for marijuana possession. Possessing larger amounts, repeat offenses and selling or trafficking marijuana is still punishable by jail time, Vox reported.

    “Unfortunately, three grams would be the smallest amount of any state that has decriminalized (or legalized) simple possession of marijuana. Still, removing criminal penalties and possible jail time for possession of a small amount of cannabis is an improvement,” read a statement by the Marijuana Policy Project.

    The decriminalization bill, after passing the state legislature, was neither signed nor vetoed by Hawaii’s governor David Ige. It became law on July 9 and will take effect on January 11, 2020.

    Ige decided not to veto the legislation, though he did veto two other marijuana-related bills—to allow the transport of medical marijuana between Hawaii’s islands and to create an industrial hemp licensing program.

    The governor said the bill lacked a provision to provide substance abuse support for young people. “That was a very tough call,” he said. “I did go back and forth on decriminalization.”

    Ige said that Hawaii’s passing of decriminalization does not mean that they will be next to legalize marijuana. And he’s in no hurry to do so either.

    “We continue to learn from other states about the problems they see with recreational marijuana, and most of the governors that I talk to that have recreational laws have acknowledged significant problems with those measures,” he said in June.

    “Hawaii can benefit from not being at the head of the table, that we would be smart to engage and recognize what’s happening in other states, acknowledge the challenges and problems that it has raised and allow us to look at how we would implement it here in a much better controlled fashion,” said Ige.

    Legalization has been proposed in Hawaii for years. This year, it again fell through the cracks.

    In March, a bill to legalize marijuana died before a deadline in the state legislature. “Senate Majority Leader J. Kalani English has introduced marijuana legalization bills for the past 15 years—but Hawaii has a track record of moving slowly on social issues,” the AP reported.

    View the original article at thefix.com

  • Congressman To Trump: Commute Sentences For 16,000 Non-Violent Prisoners

    Congressman To Trump: Commute Sentences For 16,000 Non-Violent Prisoners

    “Justice delayed is justice denied. Please do the right thing,” Democratic Congressman Steve Cohen wrote in his letter to Trump. 

    Steve Cohen, the Democratic Congressman from Tennessee’s 9th District, sent a tartly worded letter to President Donald Trump recommending that he commute the prison sentences of approximately 16,000 non-violent drug offenders.

    In the letter, Cohen wrote that he was inspired to send the request after Trump commuted the life sentence of Tennessee resident Alice Marie Johnson in 2018, and added that many other individuals currently behind bars “deserve the same relief.”

    Cohen’s letter referenced the efforts of reality television star Kim Kardashian in bringing Johnson’s sentence to Trump’s attention; Kardashian met with the president in May 2018 to discuss prison reform and the possibility of commutation for Johnson, a non-violent drug offender who had been sentenced to life in prison without chance of parole for her involvement in a drug trafficking scheme.

    Trump Has Granted Three Commutations During His Term

    After serving 21 years of her sentence, Trump granted Johnson’s petition for clemency on June 6, which marked the first of three such commutations since he took office.

    “Thousands serving time for non-violent drug offenses don’t have Kim Kardashian to plead their cases for clemency but are just as deserving of the relief,” wrote Cohen. “These non-violent drug offenders should be released based on their records, not on celebrity endorsements.”

    Cohen also noted that Trump’s predecessor, President Barack Obama, had established a clemency initiative in his second term in office that ultimately resulted in the commutation of more than 1,700 federal inmates, the majority of which had been convicted of non-violent drug offenses, according to Marijuana Moment.

    “Justice delayed is justice denied,” Cohen wrote in the conclusion of his letter. “Please do the right thing.”

    Cohen’s letter to the president comes on the heels of an announcement by Senator Cory Booker (D-NJ), who on June 20 detailed his “Restorative Justice Initiative” as part of his campaign for president.

    Cory Booker Makes Campaign Promise To Non-Violent Offenders

    As Marijuana Moment noted, Booker announced that if elected, he would grant clemency to an estimated 17,000 federal prisoners serving sentences for non-violent drug offenses. Approximately half of those individuals would have marijuana-related convictions.

    “Granting clemency won’t repair all the damage that has been done by the War on Drugs and our broken criminal justice system, but it will help our country confront this injustice and begin to heal,” he wrote. 

    Fellow Democratic presidential candidate Amy Klobuchar has also made clemency part of her campaign, and has suggested the establishment of a bipartisan clemency board to review and recommend non-violent cases to the president in a more expedient fashion. 

    View the original article at thefix.com

  • Toddler Is The Latest Victim Of Philippines’ Violent Drug War

    Toddler Is The Latest Victim Of Philippines’ Violent Drug War

    According to child rights groups in the Philippines, more than 100 children have died since June 2016.

    The Philippines’ violent campaign against drugs continues to claim innocent lives—the latest, a 3-year-old girl named Myka Ulpina.

    Human Rights Watch reports that Myka died on Sunday (June 30) after being shot during a police raid targeting her father. The police, who have a reputation for lying, claimed that her father used Myka as a “shield” during the raid.

    Thousands Have Lost Their Lives 

    Myka’s death is a grim reminder that authorities enforcing the “war on drugs” in the Philippines—launched by President Rodrigo Duterte in June 2016 upon his taking office—are still carrying out violent attacks on poor and urban Filipinos.

    Authorities have admitted to 6,600 killings thus far—but others estimate this number may reach 27,000.

    According to child rights groups in the Philippines, more than 100 children have died since June 2016. They include the deaths of 4-year-old Skyler Abatayo in July 2018 and 5-year-old Danica May Garcia in August 2016—both which have been condemned by UNICEF, the United Nations children’s agency.

    The death of 17-year-old Kian delos Santos, who was killed by police in August 2017, marked the only time that police officers have been convicted of murdering a drug war victim.

    The Drug War Affects Everyone

    Human Rights Watch notes, the impact of the government’s violent drug war has a much greater reach than is reported. “The toll of the Philippines’ ‘drug war’ does not end with the killing of a drug suspect, but may extend to their children, often completely destroying families,” said Philippines researcher Carlos Conde.

    The trauma of living in this environment, witnessing deaths and the economic toll of losing family members affect children as well.

    Human Rights Watch is calling on the UN Human Rights Council to adopt a resolution “that urges the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights to report on the ‘drug war’ killings and other human rights violations in the Philippines.” The organization says that it would only be a “modest first step” but has the potential to make significant progress toward stopping the “carnage” in the Philippines.

    To learn more about the impact of the drug war on Filipino children, check out the Human Rights Watch report: Collateral Damage: The Children of Duterte’s ‘War on Drugs’ by Carlos Conde.

    View the original article at thefix.com

  • Inside Mexico’s Plan To Decriminalize Drugs

    Inside Mexico’s Plan To Decriminalize Drugs

    President Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s wants the country to treat drug use as a health issue rather than a crime. 

    Mexico’s president has given his firm endorsement of decriminalizing drugs, Forbes reported.

    President Andrés Manuel López Obrador recently unveiled his National Development Plan for 2019-2024, which includes a plan for decriminalizing all drugs including heroin and cocaine.

    The president unequivocally acknowledged the failure of the “war on drugs,” and the need for a wholly different approach. By decriminalizing drugs, it would be treated as a health issue rather than a crime.

    “The only real possibility of reducing the levels of drug consumption is to lift the ban on those that are currently illegal, and redirect the resources currently destined to combat their transfer and apply them in programs—massive, but personalized—of reinsertion and detoxification,” Obrador said in his policy statement.

    Arrests would be replaced by “enforced medical treatments,” Forbes reported.

    When the drug war was escalated under former President Felipe Calderón, violence escalated as well. In 2006, Calderón deployed 6,500 soldiers to fight drug traffickers. This resulted in an estimated 150,000 deaths attributed to organized gang killings, according to a 2018 report by the Congressional Research Service.

    Neither drug trafficking nor drug use have declined over the past decade but instead have risen to record levels, according to a report by the International Drug Policy Consortium.

    “Public safety strategies applied by previous administrations have been catastrophic: far from resolving or mitigating the catastrophe has sharpened it,” said Obrador.

    The war on drugs approach is “unsustainable” for many reasons, said the president. It is bad for public safety and for public health. “Worse still, the prohibitionist model inevitably criminalizes consumers and reduces their odds of social reintegration and rehabilitation.”

    It is “conceivable” that legislation will be drafted to make Obrador’s proposal a reality in the coming year, according to Marijuana Moment.

    While Obrador’s plan may seem “radical,” Mexico would not be the first country to decriminalize drugs. Nor would it be the first time the country attempted to reform its drug policy in this manner.

    In 2009, under Calderón, Mexico decriminalized small amounts of drugs including marijuana, cocaine, heroin, LSD and methamphetamine.

    However, the policy “achieved little in practice,” according to a 2014 report from the Research Consortium on Drugs and the Law. Why? The maximum limits for personal use set by the law were too small to make a real difference—5 grams was the legal limit for marijuana, half a gram for cocaine, 50 milligrams for heroin, 40 mg for meth and 0.015 mg for LSD. The policy resulted in “little more than quasi-decriminalization,” Talking Drugs reported at the time.

    Mexico, one gateway for illegal drugs destined for the U.S., has seen firsthand the brutal violence associated with the lucrative drug market that the U.S. offers. As a result, the country is finally acknowledging the need to break the status quo. 

    The past several Mexican presidents—Enrique Peña Nieto, Vicente Fox and even Calderón—have acknowledged the failure of the war on drugs. 

    View the original article at thefix.com

  • DEA Kept Database Of People Who Bought Money Counters To Get Drug Convictions

    DEA Kept Database Of People Who Bought Money Counters To Get Drug Convictions

    Over a six-year period, the agency collected “tens of thousands of records, including the names, addresses, and phone numbers” from sellers of money counters.

    For years, the Drug Enforcement Administration collected data on purchases of money counters hoping to net drug convictions. But the controversial program not only pushed the limits of government surveillance, it wasn’t very successful either.

    “Program B,” as it is referred to in a report by the U.S. Department of Justice Office of Inspector General (OIG), which audited the DEA, collected bulk purchaser data on “tens of thousands of records, including the names, addresses, and phone numbers of buyers” from 2008 to 2014, Forbes reports.

    The DEA would issue “administrative” subpoenas to sellers of money counters, and send the data to field offices to cross-reference against law enforcement databases, including records from more than 15 different federal agencies including the ATF, FBI and ICE.

    Even more troubling is that the DEA sought data on people buying money counters with no specific target in mind. The subpoenas were “unrelated to a specific drug trafficking investigation or target,” the report said. The practice of issuing blanket subpoenas “wasn’t predicated on individual cases or individual suspicions,” but was “just a general fishing expedition,” as one FBI agent who questioned the integrity of the DEA’s activities explained.

    “You can’t just take any innocent activity that Americans engage in and go grab all their records knowing that a small percentage of it is potentially connected to illegal activity,” the FBI agent added. “And that sounded exactly like what the DEA was looking to do.”

    The program did little to “win” the war on drugs. Of all the people it collected data on, the program netted only 131 arrests. The DEA declined to say how many of these resulted in convictions.

    While the American public had little to show for Program B, the agency certainly benefited from it. From 2008 to 2014, the surveillance program helped the DEA seize $48 million in cash, $4 million in real estate, 88 vehicles, 179 firearms, nearly 1,500 pounds of cocaine and over 21,300 pounds of marijuana.

    Overall, it was “troubling” to the Inspector General that the DEA failed to consider the legal limits of its surveillance program. Scandals are not new to the agency, and the Inspector General seemed to imply that this likely won’t be the last.

    As Forbes reported, “Although both the Justice Department and the DEA say they have ‘no plans to reinstate any of the discontinued bulk collection programs,’ the Inspector General noted that ‘there is nothing preventing the DEA or the Department from seeking to start such a program at any time in the future.’”

    According to a 2015 report by the Drug Policy Alliance, the agency has been investigated by the OIG for numerous scandals including the massacre of Honduran civilians, the use of NSA data to spy on Americans and fabricate evidence, controversial uses of confidential informants, and airline passenger searches.

    View the original article at thefix.com

  • Carly Rae Jepsen Parodies "This is Your Brain on Drugs" PSA

    Carly Rae Jepsen Parodies "This is Your Brain on Drugs" PSA

    The pop star parodied the infamous PSA to promote her new single “No Drug Like Me.”

    In a promotional video, the pop star hearkened back to the “just say no” public service announcements of yesteryear.

    Carly Rae Jepsen remade the classic “this is your brain on drugs” public service announcement, complete with egg-smashing and frying pan-swinging.

    She made the video to announce her new single, “No Drug Like Me.” In it, Jepsen holds up an egg, representing your brain, and a large frying pan, representing “No Drug Like Me.” She places the egg on the countertop, and winding up to crush the egg with the frying pan, she delivers her riff on the classic line:

    “This is what happens to your brain when you listen to ‘No Drug Like Me.’”

    After smashing the egg on the counter, she goes to town on the rest of the kitchen, swinging the frying pan through fragile objects that represent your family, friends, money, job, self-respect, future, and life.

    This isn’t the first time the PSA has been remade. Notably, Rachel Leigh Cook, who starred in the original PSA, reprised her role to take aim at how drug policy has fallen short. Cook especially focused on how drug policy has been a conduit for systematic racism.

    “This is one of the millions of Americans who uses drugs and won’t get arrested,” Cook said while holding a white egg. 

    Picking up a brown egg, she continues: “However, this American is several times more likely to be charged with a drug crime.”

    In this version, the frying pan crushes the job prospects of the brown egg who has drug charges on its record.

    “The War on Drugs is ruining people’s lives,” Cook says at the end of the video. “It fuels mass incarceration. It targets people of color in greater numbers than their white counterparts. It cripples communities. It costs billions. And it doesn’t work. Any questions?”

    Comparatively, Jepsen’s is pretty tongue-in-cheek, remixing the PSA to say that her song is so catchy it will destroy your relationships and ruin your life. At the end of her video, she throws whole eggs, shell included, into the frying pan as a snippet of her new song plays.

    “No Drug Like Me” comes from her upcoming album, Dedicated, due to be released on May 17th.

    View the original article at thefix.com